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Will Edinson Cavani score goals for Manchester United? In the bigger picture, it almost doesn’t matter. Whether he nets three or 30 next season, the fact the Red Devils are doing this deal at all highlights yet again their shambolic approach to recruitment.
The Uruguay striker is widely reported to be heading to England this weekend to join the Red Devils on what some sources suggest is a two-year deal. Among other things, United need a centre-forward and it seems they have got one, albeit a 33-year-old who no other club felt was worth the outlay required.
Likewise, Cavani’s agent wanted his big pay day and while we don’t know yet exactly what commission Walter Guglielmone – also the player’s brother – will earn this weekend, he certainly found the biggest patsy in European football at yet another vulnerable moment.
United have once again been a shambles during a window which Ole Gunnar Solskjaer suggested in April that the club could ‘exploit’. Instead, the Red Devils have bluffed their way through another supposedly pivotal summer while failing to offer even the illusion of intent to restore the club back to the top table of European football.
With four or five top-class signings required – ideally a left-back, a centre-back, a centre-forward and a right-sided attacker – what they have got so far is a midfielder whom they had a free run at and a veteran striker who would rather be elsewhere.
Guglielmone laid it all out earlier in the year when no club could get Cavani out of PSG as his contract ran down. The striker wanted to “fulfill his dream” of joining Atletico Madrid but the Spanish club could never make the figures add up.
“If it were for money,” the agent said, “Edi would have gone to England, Manchester or Chelsea.”
Even as a free agent, Cavani is too expensive for Atletico, and Benfica too. Apparently, Guglielmone was demanding from the Portuguese side a three-year deal worth £8.8million a year – around £170,000 a week – as well as the same in commission for himself.
Less than a year after supposedly baulking at paying Mino Raiola what he wanted to take Erling Haaland to Old Trafford, Woodward has seemingly pulled his own pants down for Guglielmone.
After losing Haaland to Dortmund, United panicked by signing Odion Ighalo on loan and they appear to be making the same mistake again. We know Woodward is sensitive to criticism – you would think he would be used to it by now – and to avoid the flak for doing nothing, he would rather throw money at Cavani and his brother just to be seen to be doing something.
Woodward cannot sell Cavani to United fans as anything but another stop gap. He may well point to the last veteran striker whom he signed as a free agent after leaving PSG, Zlatan Ibrahimovic, but Ibra scored 38 Ligue 1 goals in his final season in France. Cavani netted four. Zlatan was a coup – he was clearly Jose Mourinho’s man and the Swede was signed early to stave off the threat of rival clubs. For Cavani, just like Donny van de Beek, United have no competition.
They have no competition either for Jadon Sancho and the Borussia Dortmund winger will be the poster boy for United’s window, regardless of whether they finally stump up the money they could have paid two months ago.
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“I know that we at Manchester United are one of the biggest, and the biggest, financially well-off,” said Solskjaer when he suggested United could exploit the current climate. “I’m sure we are capable, when we get back to normality, that we can do the business that we want to.”
What United managers want and what Woodward can do are two different things. The image United attempt to portray – remember the transfer bunkers and 804 right-backs – is the polar opposite to the reality of their recruitment structure, with a head of corporate development as a part-time transfer negotiator. Solskjaer is desperate for a young English talent who although expensive, could play in United’s forward line for perhaps a decade. In Cavani, he’s getting a veteran no one else really wants who himself would rather be somewhere else.
We are but two or three days away from Woodward briefing that United are stepping up the search for a sporting director to buy enough time for he and his cronies to make the same mistakes again in the New Year.
Ian Watson
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Man Utd Chief Executive Ed Woodward has been advised to make a move for former PSG forward Edison Cavani.
Cavani had been with PSG since 2013, as he joined from Serie A side, Napoli. The striker had a remarkable goal-scoring record for the French side.
Over his seven years at the club, he featured in 301 games in all competitions, and he scored 200 goals.
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The 33-year-old departed the French club in the summer as his contract with them expired.
He is yet to join a new club, and he has been heavily linked with a move to Manchester United.
The Red Devils have been linked with a number of attacking players this summer. But they are yet to get any of them through the door.
Cavani is one player to be linked with United. talkSPORT are reporting that they have opened talks to sign the forward.
ESPN transfer expert Gabriele Marcotti has now urged United not to be put off by Cavani’s wage demands when discussing a potential deal:
“What bugs me about Cavani is, and unfortunately we in the media are guilty of this because we talk to someone and we pair up whatever they say, and they’re like ‘oh Cavani’s wages are too high’.
“Cavani’s wages, let me remind everybody, Cavani’s wages are zero right now. Cavani makes nothing, okay. So you can go and negotiate with him. Was he making a ton of money before? Yes, absolutely.
“It doesn’t mean you have to go and give him that same money now. So if you think he’s the right guy and you can give him a year plus an option if he plays certain minutes or whatever.
“You can do things to protect yourself for this one season while you go and pursue your longer-term targets. I think that is a really difficult thing for me to understand.
“Like I said though, I’m giving Ed [Woodward] and United the benefit of the doubt until 11 pm BST [on Monday].”
Sen. Bernie SandersBernie SandersThe Hill’s 12:30 Report: Milley apologizes for church photo-op Harris grapples with defund the police movement amid veep talk Biden courts younger voters — who have been a weakness MORE (I-Vt.) is declining to back Tim Canova in his second bid to oust Rep. Debbie Wasserman Schultz from her South Florida House seat.
“I have no idea about Tim Canova, I honestly don’t,” Sanders told the Miami Herald when asked if he plans to support Canova’s second Democratic primary bid. “I know nothing about Tim Canova.”
Sanders previously endorsed the Nova Southeastern University law professor’s first campaign against Wasserman Schultz, then the chairwoman of the Democratic National Committee, in May 2016.
“Clearly I favor her opponent, his views are much closer to mine than to Wasserman Schultz’s,” Sanders said at the time.
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Canova campaigned to unseat Wasserman Schultz amid allegations that the DNC under her watch favored Hillary ClintonHillary Diane Rodham ClintonWhite House accuses Biden of pushing ‘conspiracy theories’ with Trump election claim Biden courts younger voters — who have been a weakness Trayvon Martin’s mother Sybrina Fulton qualifies to run for county commissioner in Florida MORE over Sanders in the 2016 Democratic presidential primary.
Thousands of leaked emails from the DNC surfaced on the eve of the party’s convention last summer, including embarrassing exchanges about Sanders, eventually forcing Wasserman Schultz to step down as party head.
Canova announced last week that he would mount another challenge to Wasserman Schultz in 2018. He raised large amounts of money for his first bid last year, but eventually lost by 14 points.
In an email to the Herald, Canova acknowledged the importance of Sanders’s previous endorsement, even though he had voiced disappointment last year about Sanders not campaigning with him in the state.
“I was thrilled when he endorsed me last year,” Canova said. “His endorsement gave us an important lift and I’m forever grateful for his support at such a critical time.”
When asked about the lack of endorsement in an email, Canova campaign spokesperson Deborah Dion said that “Tim announced his candidacy for 2018 only last week and again he has not sought any endorsements from any politicians at any level, Senator Sanders’ remarks do not change anything in our campaign or messaging.”
On his campaign website, Canova argues that Wasserman Schultz “failed to satisfactorily account for the DNC staff’s behavior under her leadership, which including attempting to tip the scales in favor of one presidential candidate versus the other.”
A spokesperson for Sanders did not immediately return a request for comment.
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A Democrat who earlier this year ran unsuccessfully in the Virginia gubernatorial primary will lead a new PAC aimed at wresting control of the state’s House of Delegates from Republicans.
According to The Washington Post, former Rep. Tom Perriello (D-Va.) will lead the Win Virginia PAC, which has so far raised $260,000.
“It’s a unique opportunity because we have such dynamic candidates up and down the ticket and such an enthusiasm gap in our favor,” Perriello told the Post.
“We think this is the year to break some of the normal rules of the political landscape in Virginia.”
Virginia House Minority Leader David Toscano (D) said that President Trump’s victory last November pushed donors to begin contributing money to the PAC.
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“It was the Trump election that led them to say, ‘We have to up our game a bit,’” Toscano told the newspaper. “And the first chance to really do that is in the Virginia House races.”
The group will focus on ways to employ technology in addition to raising money for Virginia campaigns.
Perriello lost to Ralph Northam, the state’s current lieutenant governor, in the race for the Democratic nomination for governor. Northam will face Republican nominee Ed Gillespie in November’s gubernatorial election.
Voters in November will select candidates for all 100 seats in Virginia’s House of Delegates, where Republicans currently hold 66 seats.
–This report was updated at 10:23 a.m.
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President Trump’s former campaign manager Corey Lewandowski has joined the pro-Trump super PAC America First, making him the latest campaign veteran to join an outside group aimed at boosting the president’s agenda.
Lewandowski, who also has his own Washington, D.C.-based consulting firm, has picked up with America First as a senior adviser and spokesman, the group announced Thursday.
America First also has Trump campaign digital director Brad Parscale and spokeswoman Katrina Pierson on its roster.
The group was beset by departures shortly after its launch and came under criticism from the White House for not giving Trump enough air cover during the healthcare debate.
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But it has hit its stride since then, spending millions on ads boosting GOP efforts to repeal and replace ObamaCare, and to bolster Trump’s trips abroad. The group has spots in the works on tax reform and has played in campaign elections, targeting Democrat Jon Ossoff ahead of Georgia’s special House election earlier this year.
America First is one of three outside groups supporting Trump.
The oldest of the groups is Great America Alliance, which claims to have raised and spent some $30 million on behalf of Trump’s campaign and his political agenda in the White House.
That group counts former New York City Mayor Rudy Giuliani (R) and former Speaker Newt Gingrich (R-Ga.) as advisers. Two key members of its staff are also assisting former state Sen. Kelli Ward’s primary challenge to Sen. Jeff FlakeJeffrey (Jeff) Lane FlakeGOP lawmakers stick to Trump amid new criticism Kelly holds double-digit lead over McSally in Arizona: poll Trump asserts his power over Republicans MORE (R-Ariz.), who has been critical of Trump.
A third group, Making America Great, was founded by former campaign deputy manager David Bossie with the financial backing of conservative mega-donor Rebekah Mercer, and has run ads pressuring GOP lawmakers to back Trump’s agenda.
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As the Democratic primary race tightens, Hillary Clinton has been trying to cast opponent Bernie Sanders as unrealistic and “pie in the sky,” but a leading University of Massachusetts economist says such criticisms are “dead wrong” and, in fact, the Vermont senator’s proposals are precisely what will “make the economy great again.”
In a column published at The Nation on Tuesday, Robert Pollin, distinguished professor in economics at UMass Amherst and co-director of the Political Economy Research Institute (PERI), examines the major policy items under Sanders’ economic agenda. These include a single-payer healthcare system; increasing the federal minimum wage to $15 an hour; free tuition at public colleges and universities, to be financed by a “Robin Hood” tax on Wall Street transactions; and large-scale public investments in renewable energy and infrastructure.
Pollin’s conclusion: this program works, handily.
“All of his major proposals are grounded in solid economic reasoning and evidence,” Pollin states.
“Overall, the Sanders program is capable of raising living standards and reducing insecurity for working people and the poor, expanding higher educational opportunities, and reversing the decades-long trend toward rising inequality,” Pollin writes. “It could bring Wall Street’s dominance under control and help prevent a repeat of the financial crisis. It will also strongly support investments in education, clean energy, and public infrastructure, generating millions of good jobs in the process.”
Pollin’s analysis builds on previous research, including his own. It takes a big-picture look at the potential impact of Sanders’ policies, refuting claims made by Clinton and her supporters that they would stymie job and economic growth.
When discussing the minimum wage increase, Pollin dismisses the idea that employers would not be able to absorb the cost of the wage increase. Citing a recent study by PERI colleague Jeannette Wicks-Lim and himself, Pollin states, “even fast-food restaurants, which employ a disproportionate share of minimum wage workers, are likely to see their overall business costs rise by only about 3.4 percent per year during a four-year phase-in for a $15 minimum wage.”
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Pollin argues that the overall economy will benefit “from the gains in equality tied to the minimum-wage increase,” explaining that “greater equality means working people have more spending power, which in turn supports greater overall demand in the economy.”
Referencing a paper that he along with a team of UMass economists published earlier this month, Pollin also concludes that the Inclusive Prosperity Act co-sponsored by Sanders in the Senate and U.S. Rep. Keith Ellison (D-Minn.) in the House, “could conservatively generate around $300 billion per year in new government revenue” through a Financial Transaction Tax (FTT), which “would be more than enough to finance in full the Sanders proposal to provide free college tuition for all U.S. students.”
At the time of that writing, National Nurses United executive director RoseAnn DeMoro published a column at Common Dreams which she wrote that it is “no surprise” that “Wall Street moguls, and their surrogates in the media and Washington, hate [the legislation].”
“But,” DeMoro added, “shamefully, many in the liberal and Democratic Party elite, from Hillary Clinton to her surrogates in the Democratic National Committee and Congress have also attacked Sanders’ social change agenda as ‘pie in the sky.'”
In fact, Clinton used that very same language at a rally in Madison, Wisconsin, on Monday, telling supporters that she wasn’t a candidate just proposing “pie in the sky stuff” in order to win votes.
Contrary to the criticisms lobbed against Sanders bold economic plan, Pollin concludes that the agenda would both grow the economy “at a healthy rate,” and at the same time “deliver standards of well-being for the overwhelming majority of Americans, as well as the environment, in ways that we have not experienced for generations.”
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As Bernie Sanders and Hillary Clinton continue to spar over fossil fuel donations, The Hill reports Saturday that Sanders’ $44 million March haul “has broken new ground for online political fundraising.”
The Sanders campaign announced Friday that it raised more money in March than it did during its record-breaking February. The Democratic presidential hopeful has now received 6.5 million contributions from 2 million donors. Of the $184 million total raised by his campaign so far, 97 percent was given online. The average contribution is just $27.
Reporter Jonathan Swan writes: “His record-breaking sums come in spite of the fact that Sanders relies on small-dollar donors instead of well-financed millionaires and associated super-PACs and does not have a traditional finance team.”
According to The Hill‘s analysis of FEC filings, Clinton “has raised only 18 percent of her money from donors giving less than $200, giving her a narrower fundraising base than Sanders. Sanders’s campaign has raised 66 percent of its money from donors giving less than $200.”
Notably, the senator from Vermont “has managed to raise these sums while being nearly 300 pledged delegates behind Clinton and more than 700 behind if superdelegates—party leaders who can choose whichever candidate they want—are counted.”
The money allows to Sanders to follow through on his vow to keep fighting all the way until the convention.
Sanders’ chief strategist told The Hill that millions of people bought into the Sanders campaign “not so much because they were betting on Bernie winning. They were investing in him because they believed in him. They believed in what he stood for, and they want to express that support not only by voting for him but by contributing to him on a continuous basis.”
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Meanwhile, as ABC News reported Saturday:
Already, The Hill reported separately on Saturday, “She’s investing more money and time in New York than she originally had expected, underscoring the importance of a victory on her home turf.”
In fact, that story continued, “Clinton will spend four of the next six days in New York, signaling the state is more important to her than Wisconsin, where she is an underdog to Sanders in Tuesday’s primary.”
The most recent poll has Sanders leading Clinton 49-43 percent. And a Marquette Law School survey shows Sanders ahead 57 percent to 37 percent among self-identified independents—which the Washington Post says is “part of an alarming national trend for Clinton of being unpopular with unaffiliated voters who can help swing general elections.”
According to the Post, “Wisconsin’s primary is important because, in many respects, the state is a microcosm of the Democratic Party nationally and has an unusually engaged electorate.”
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Frustrated by what they describe as a “rigged” electoral system in the face of Bernie Sanders’ overwhelming majority win, Democrats in Maine on Saturday voted to adopt a rule change that will essentially eliminate the power of superdelegates to pick a candidate of their choosing.
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Though Sanders won 64 percent of the Maine vote, he has only received one of the state’s five superdelegates. Three have endorsed Hillary Clinton, who only secured 35 percent of the popular vote, while one remains undeclared.
The amendment to the state convention includes language that strongly encourages superdelegates to vote in proportion to caucus results, which reports say could prompt a “fight” on the Democratic convention floor in July.
As of 2020, however, the legislation “has teeth,” AP reports, as the party chair will then be required to “account for superdelegates’ preferences to ensure the overall delegate makeup matches the outcome of the caucus or primary.”
“We have a system of government where you have one person, one vote, by and large,” state Rep. Diane Russell, who introduced the measure, told the Bangor Daily News ahead of the vote. “The primary system is not when that happens. And I think that we need to start moving toward a system that’s more fair, that’s more democratic and more reflective of the popular vote.”
On Saturday, Russell shared images of the “wicked long line” to debate the rule. Democrat Brigham McNaughton of Freeport “received a rowdy ovation when he described a ‘rigged system’ in which five superdelegates defy the will of rank-and-file Democrats in Maine,” according to AP.
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Though for years the Democratic Party’s superdelegate system has been criticized for being undemocratic, Sanders’ candidacy has prompted serious calls for change, particularly in places like Maine—where party elites continue to support Hillary Clinton despite the overwhelming popular support for Sanders, as Russell explained in an interview with the Washington Post.
“I think the difference is that this time, when you win by that margin and then your delegates don’t shift dramatically…it’s really having an impact on people’s desire to participate in the process,” she said.
Russell continued:
“At a time when we should be unifying the party and celebrating our vision, we are, in fact, seeing a real division,” the representative from Portland added. “We’re losing people who were working-class because we are not answering and giving credence to the grassroots.”
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2015 was a “another year of outrageous hedge fund compensation,” said Robert Weissman, president of advocacy organization Public Citizen.
Sparking his statement is the latest Rich List published by Institutional Investor’s Alpha magazine, which reveals that the industry’s top 25 managers made an average of $517.6 million, and had combined earnings of $12.94 billion.
The men at the top five spots all earned over $1 billion.
Topping the list are Kenneth Griffin of Citadel and James Simons of Renaissance Technologies, who each took in $1.7 billion. Simons has the distinction of being the only manager to appear on the list for its entire 15-year history. Griffin, the New York Times reports, “was the biggest donor to the successful re-election campaign of Mayor Rahm Emanuel of Chicago. More recently he has poured more than $3.1 million into the failed presidential campaigns of Marco Rubio, Jeb Bush and Scott Walker, as well as the Republican National Committee.
Reuters adds:
The Times also notes that “Even as regulators push to rein in compensation at Wall Street banks, top hedge fund managers earn more than 50 times what the top executives at banks are paid.” But according to Sam Pizzigati, who edits Too Much, the Institute for Policy Study’s online weekly newsletter on excess and inequality, “the real enormity of America’s annual hedge fund jackpots only comes into focus when we contrast these windfalls to the rewards that go to ordinary Americans. Kindergarten teachers, for instance.”
“The 157,800 teachers of America’s little people, the Bureau of Labor Statistics tells us, together make about $8.34 billion a year,” he wrote.
As the Washington Post notes, “Hedge fund managers’ profits are treated as long-term capital gains, which means they’re taxed at no more than 15 percent. Critics say those earnings should be taxed as ordinary income, or as much as 39.6 percent.”
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Among the critics of such taxation policies is the Patriotic Millionaires, a group of wealthy Americans who argue that they, and corporations, should pay a greater percentage of taxes. Its members include Frank Patitucci, CEO and Owner of NuCompass Mobility, who said, “The concept of taxing ‘carried interest’ as capital gains makes no logical sense.”
Added Patriotic Millionaire Terence Meehan, Chairman of Azimuth Investment Management, “I am in the hedge fund and private equity business and the carried interest loophole is welfare for the wealthy.”
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For Stephen Lerner, a fellow at Georgetown University’s Kalmanovitz Initiative for Labor and Working Poor, these managers are merely a reflection of our “winner-take-all politics.”
As Weissman sees it, voters are very aware of this rigged political system.
“There’s a lot of noise in this year’s election, but if there’s one consistent theme, it’s that people are furious with a rigged system. And they are right to be angry,” his statement continues. “They are furious with a financial system that lets so few make so much, when so many are making so little. And they can’t begin to comprehend how people making more than $1 billion a year pay a lower tax rate than people struggling to get by.”
“With voters rising up,” he adds, “the Gilded Age for the hedge fund gazillionaires should come to an end.”
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Populist candidate Zephyr Teachout has entirely outstripped all other Democratic congressional candidates in New York in 2016 in fundraising, bringing in over half a million dollars mostly from small individual donations, according to her campaign’s most recent Federal Election Commission (FEC) filings.
Teachout’s fundraising success signals her continued popularity with New York progressives, who were overjoyed when Teachout shocked establishment politicians by winning over a third of the vote in the 2014 New York gubernatorial primary despite running against well-funded incumbent Gov. Andrew Cuomo on a shoestring budget, no political experience or name recognition, and an anti-corruption platform.
Teachout has attracted some wealthy donors, such as the actor Mark Ruffalo and a Rockefeller heiress, but the majority of her contributions has been from small donors—echoing the fundraising successes of the Bernie Sanders campaign, which famously boasts an average donation of $27.
Teachout’s campaign raised $530,732 in the first quarter of 2016, Capital New York reports.
“According to [Teachout’s] campaign, 10,657 people had sent donations by the end of March. This trend seems likely to continue, as presidential candidate Bernie Sanders has since sent out multiple fundraising appeals asking people to make $2.70 donations that will be split between him and Teachout,” Capital New York notes.
Sanders publicly backed Teachout and two other progressive women for Congress earlier this month, and Teachout endorsed Sanders for president last year, describing the Democratic presidential hopeful as “a fearless, experienced leader capable of seeing the truth, and standing up to big private power, even when it’s almost impossibly hard.”
“Zephyr literally wrote the book on political corruption,” Sanders wrote in turn in his fundraising appeal on behalf of Teachout’s campaign. “She understands better than anybody how special interests try to buy off politicians, and she’s dedicated her life to fixing our broken political system.”
As Tim Murphy points out in Mother Jones, “The similarities between two of the left’s leading critics of corporatocracy are obvious to the point of cliché.”
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“If elected, not only would [Teachout] be an ally in the efforts to revitalize our democracy, she would likely be its leading Congressional champion,” writes Adam Eichen in Common Dreams.
Indeed, Teachout’s campaign fundraising success mirrors Sanders’ as both leftists channel widespread disenchantment with the nation’s current political establishment.
However, Capital New York warns that “Teachout’s fundraising advantage doesn’t mean she is likely to coast into office. Past electoral history and the balance of towns like Hudson and New Paltz with vast rural expanses suggest that voters in the district, shaped like a northward-pointing bloated horseshoe encircling Albany, are just as likely to elect a conservative Republican as a liberal Democrat.”
A moderate Republican, Chris Gibson, currently represents the district and is stepping down for a gubernatorial run, Capital New York reports.
The state’s Congressional primary will take place June 28, and Teachout’s Democratic rival is Will Yandik, a farmer and town council member in Livingston, New York. On the Republican side, former state assemblyman John Faso, businessman Andrew Heaney, and farm general manager Robert Bishop are all vying for the seat.
In encouraging news for Teachout, Sanders’ best showing in New York’s problem-plagued primary was in her congressional district, which he won by a sizable 18 points.
The fate of Sanders’ nationwide political revolution “will be in the hands of candidates like Teachout” in November, Murphy argues, and Teachout’s prospects look encouraging to many observers.
“Two years after her opponent pretended she didn’t exist,” writes Murphy, “Teachout finds herself in an unusual position—front-runner.”
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